This was given an 11 price target (closed over that today) but I think this will be a good long term hold and here is why.
The CEO/founder has been involved with online gambling since 1996(!!!). Also, their CIOJohn Brackens was an Activision Blizzard networks manager.
They've been in purchase mode recently and bought ggCircuit, a B2B cloud-based management for LAN centers, a tournament platform, and integrated wallet/point-of-sale solutions for enterprise customers. ggCircuit has over 1,000 connected locations and has worked with enterprises such as GameStop, Dell, Best Buy and Lenovo as well as universities such as Ohio State, Syracuse and North Carolina. Their ggLeap product has over 60 million hours of usage by over two million unique gamers on tens of thousands of public gaming screens inside centers worldwide.
Also, they bought Helix esports. Helix eSports owns five esports centers, including two of the five largest centers in the US, where they deliver world-class customer service, esports programming and gaming infrastructure.
ALSO, they bought Esports Gaming League (EGL). HAS OVER 350K registered gamers. "EGL is a great addition to our growing operations and further strengthens our ability to execute on our three-pillar strategy," commented Grant Johnson, CEO of Esports Entertainment Group. "EGL technology underpins the esports programs for some of the world's best-known sports franchises, including the LA Kings, Philadelphia Eagles, and Arsenal Football Club. We plan to build on this strong foundation moving forward, driving near-term revenue growth and long-term shareholder value improvement."
You see the trend, and there is more companies than I listed purchased in the past twelve months.
Another thing to consider: -$4.3 Billion in Bets Placed on Super Bowl LV Online bets skyrocketing up by 63% with no signs of slowing -36 million more Americans can now legally bet compared to one year ago, with the addition of Colorado, Illinois, Michigan, Montana, Tennessee, Virginia and Washington, DC.
How does this translate to this company? People are showing a willingness to bet and it's available to a wider audience than ever before.
Here is what I posted before:
Business: egaming platform for gambling and tournaments. They also have other gambling functions, I believe egames you can gamble on is something they just bought (lucky dino).
They also partnered with the Philadelphia eagles to provide esport tournaments, last month I believe, first partnership with a professional team and an egaming gambling site(this was prior to SKLZ). More partnerships could lead to growth as no other professional franchises have a partnership yet for tournaments.
Financials: heavy dilution this past year, just started generating revenue in Q3, negative net income. The company they just bought is internet gambling site they just bought had 21M in revenue last year, est 28M for 2021. Company has very low debt, biggest liability is warrant liability of a few million. 8M of cash on hand, could get through at least 2 quarters without any additional positive cash flow (potentially some more dilution i would imagine). Small institutional ownership (1%) but large insider ownership (35%)
Financials drop Feb 20th, so some DD on this let me know what you think. This company is worth around 150M(on 2/8), for comparison draftkings is over 46B and cathie wood also entered this sector buying draftkings so this could be on her list also.
submitted by I live in North Carolina. I have been sports betting online to supplement my income since the 'Rona. I honestly don't know how legal or illegal using an offshore online sportsbook is in the Tar Heel state, as most online resources I've consulted have given me polarizing answers. Some say there are no laws prohibiting it as long as I report net winnings to the IRS, some say it's a misdemeanor. So I suppose my question is straightforward.
Is online sports betting using offshore bookies legal in NC? If not, to what extent?
submitted by I get text-only parses of local news through a subscription service my company has purchased. I don't have the original link to this article, unfortunately, but thought it was good information.
*The title is supposed to be GOP not GOO
After three straight legislative sessions working with - and sometimes fighting with - former Gov. Matt Bevin, the Republican supermajority of the Kentucky General Assembly will now labor over an extremely tight budget with a Democratic governor wielding the final pen.
The 2020 legislative session of the Kentucky General Assembly kicks off Tuesday, the fourth consecutive session with Republicans holding over 60% of the seats in each chamber.
What's new this year is the occupant in the Governor's Mansion: Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear is set to present a two-year budget proposal to the legislature in late January.
What remains constant in this 60-day session is the extremely tight nature of the biennial budget. While only modest revenue growth is projected in the coming years, obligations to cover public pensions, Medicaid and other costs will sharply increase.
Beshear wants to find common ground and civility amid disagreement with the Republican-dominated legislature, but that will be put to the test as he attempts to make good on campaign promises of increased spending for education with new sources of tax revenue.
Talk has been civil between Beshear and Republican leadership in the legislature since the November election, but Republican Senate President Robert Stivers maintains that the governor's main plan for new tax revenue - legalizing casinos - has no chance in that chamber.
Stivers has told The Courier Journal that while his Republican colleagues aren't opposed to increasing teachers' salaries and funding for K-12 and postsecondary education, money will be hard to find in this budget, and promises made during elections "sometimes can't be fulfilled by the realities of the environment and the economics of that environment."
Here's a look at some of the big issues likely to dominate discussion in the 2020 session of the Kentucky General Assembly:
The budget
Three weeks after Bevin conceded defeat, his administration's budget director laid a grim document at the feet of the new governor's transition team: a memo estimating a $1.1 billion state budget shortfall over the next two fiscal years.
Though the Beshear administration and the nonpartisan Legislative Research Commission haven't yet signed off on the accuracy of those estimates, Jason Bailey - the executive director of the progressive Kentucky Center for Economic Policy - has conceded that the coming two-year budget will be "a real train wreck" and require the most cuts over the past decade if significant new tax revenue isn't created.
State economists have projected revenue to increase by $146 million and $207 million in the next two fiscal years, but this is expected to be quickly eaten up by the rising costs of shoring up the state pension systems, expanded Medicaid, payments for state employees' health insurance and housing the state's 24,000 prison inmates.
On the pension front, the largest plan for state workers is set to have its employer contribution rate increase from 83% to 93% next year.
Kentucky's portion of covering the expanded Medicaid population will increase from 8.5% to the maximum of 10% in 2021 and 2022, which is expected to increase costs by nearly $50 million next year.
According to the Kentucky Association of School Boards, the unfunded mandate of the school safety bill passed in the 2019 session will cost $121 million annually to implement, requiring new resource officers and counselors to be hired.
Additional funds that may have to be identified include a loan of $50 million to assist the University of Louisville's acquisition of Jewish Hospital and $23 million annually to lease, staff and operate a privately owned prison in Floyd County.
Adding to these known costs are the projected costs of several Beshear campaign promises to increase spending on public education - the exact figures of which won't be known until Beshear presents his budget proposal.
However, the memo from Bevin's budget director last month stated that Beshear's pledge to raise public K-12 teachers' salaries by $2,000 each would cost $97 million annually, while increasing funding for postsecondary education and the K-12 per-student SEEK amount by 1% would add an additional $42 million annually. Increasing funding for the Teachers' Retirement System above the required contribution was listed as costing an additional $110 million per year.
The last two-year budget continued to slash funding for most agencies to make way for a dramatic increase in pension contributions. The number of state employees has fallen by about 30% over the past decade as agencies work with less money.
New taxes and revenue
Just how deep the cuts are in the next two-year budget, and how many of the aforementioned budget priorities get funded, depends largely on how much new tax revenue is created by the legislature - if any.
Beshear campaigned on funding most of his new education spending through new tax revenue generated by legalizing casinos through a constitutional amendment. With much of that tax revenue directed toward pensions, Beshear said it would free up $550 million annually for spending on public education, though others have estimated the figure could be as low as $175 million and take years before such revenue is realized.
But if that doesn't happen, as Stivers predicted, the new governor would have to look elsewhere for new revenue.
One of those places may stem from a bill by Rep. Adam Koenig, R-Erlanger, to legalize sports betting in Kentucky. It passed unanimously out of a House committee in 2019 but never made it to a vote on the floor.
Koenig has prefiled a similar bill this year to allow Kentuckians to legally bet on sports, online poker and fantasy sports contests, with one study estimating it would create anywhere from $20 million to $48 million annually in revenue from new taxes, registration fees and licensing fees. He says he is "extremely optimistic" his bill will pass the House this year. In the Senate, Stivers says he is "ambivalent" to sports wagering.
Advocacy groups for city and county local governments are also looking to Frankfort for budget relief through new methods of revenue, hoping state government provides them with new taxing authorities.
The Kentucky League of Cities and Kentucky Association of Counties is making a renewed push for a constitutional amendment to allow a local option sales tax, in which voters via referendum could approve a 1% sales tax increase with revenue directed to a specific project.
Faced with increased pension obligations and corrections costs, medium and large cities will also push for legislation to raise their restaurant tax, which could create an additional $31 million annually for Louisville Metro Government.
A 50-cent tax increase on packs of cigarettes in 2018 has generated over $100 million in tax revenue, and legislators may return to that well this year. A bill prefiled by Rep. Jerry Miller, R-Louisville, would also add an excise tax on the sale of e-cigarettes, which is estimated to raise $35 million a year in new revenue.
The Kentucky Chamber of Commerce and local governments have also endorsed modernizing the revenue model for the Kentucky Road Fund, supporting a bill that would include raising the state gas tax by 10 cents per gallon, imposing new fees on electric vehicles, and raising existing annual fees on all vehicles.
While this proposal would direct more road funding to local governments, it also faces stiff opposition from conservative groups like Americans for Prosperity-Kentucky, which argues that current funding is sufficient and mismanaged by the Transportation Cabinet.
In addition to new tax revenue, there is always a chance the Republican-dominated legislature will pass additional tax cuts that decrease revenue, such as the 2019 bill that cut taxes for banks by $105 million.
Education
While many Republicans still favor new public funding for charter schools and legislation creating tax credits for those who donate to private K-12 scholarship funds, such conservative education policies now have an active opponent in the new governor.
Proposals to increase spending on public schools, expand kindergarten and pre-K, increase teacher salaries and fund the 2019 student safety bill are likely to fill much of the budget and revenue debate.
Education groups may also throw their weight behind efforts to curb the rising use of e-cigarettes among teens, with Miller prefiling a bill to reduce youth access to flavored e-cigarettes and a bill from Rep. Buddy Wheatley, D-Covington, seeking to ban the sale of flavored vape products entirely.
Rep. David Hale, R-Wellington, also prefiled a bill to ban transgender students from using restrooms that align with their gender identities, which he says could save non-transgender students from "potential embarrassment, shame and psychological injury." Past bills instituting such a ban have failed in the General Assembly, and North Carolina, the only state to pass such a law, has since repealed it.
Marijuana
Rep. Jason Nemes, R-Louisville, has once again prefiled his bill to legalize and regulate medical marijuana in Kentucky. The bill received a House committee vote for the first time in 2019, passing nearly unanimously.
But it never came to a vote on the House floor, despite nearly half of the chamber's members co-sponsoring it. Nemes is optimistic the House will pass it this year - although the Senate appears more skeptical.
Also in the House, Rep. Cluster Howard, D-Jackson, has gone a step further to prefile a bill legalizing and taxing recreational marijuana, which he estimates could create up to $800 million of annual revenue.
Howard's bill would decriminalize the possession of less than 1 ounce of marijuana and allow those previously convicted of a marijuana-related misdemeanors to have their offense expunged for free. Permits to grow cannabis plants at home also could be purchased for $250 per year under the bill.
Energy and environment
Four Republican members of the House from the Louisville region have prefiled a resolution asking the Beshear administration and a Louisville pollution agency to examine doing away with the federally mandated use of reformulated gasoline in the city and parts of Oldham and Bullitt counties. The legislators claim it could save motorists $73 million annually at the pumps at no cost to the environment.
As LG&E moves forward with its controversial plan to build a natural gas pipeline through a section of Bernheim Arboretum and Research Forest, Rep. Jim Gooch, R-Providence, has prefiled a bill to crack down on civil disobedience protests to block natural gas pipelines.
Rep. Angie Hatton, D-Whitesburg, has prefiled a bill to require the state Public Service Commission to include rate affordability when determining utility rates.
Constitutional amendments
and gubernatorial powers
Beshear already signed an executive order restoring the voting rights of 140,000 Kentuckians previous convicted of certain nonviolent felonies who had finished serving their sentence. But the movement to make this effort permanent with a constitutional amendment is continuing.
Three Democrats have once again prefiled bills to allow voters to approve such a move through a statewide referendum, which has failed to advance through the Republican Senate over the past decade.
In response to former Gov. Bevin's controversial pardonsduring his final days in office, Sen. Chris McDaniel, R-Taylor Mill, has said he will file a constitutional amendment to limit a governor's power to pardon at the very end of his or her term.
Other efforts may come forward to limit the executive powers of Beshear, such as a bill sponsored by Stivers that would take the power to appoint the secretary of the Transportation Cabinet away from the governor. Republicans prefiled the bill before Beshear was victorious, saying it was not specifically targeting Beshear.
Critical of Beshear's restructuring of the state Board of Education, Stivers has also floated the idea of the legislature preventing governors from completely replacing boards.
By, Joe Sonka, Louisville Courier Journal
Copyright 2020 The Courier-Journal All Rights Reserved
submitted by Trump, Vote Rigging and the Series of Suspicious Deaths
Intro The Ukrainian presidential elections in 2004 where mired in corruption and violence, the country was on fire. The pro European opposition candidate narrowly lost to the pro Russia oligarch Victor Yanukovych whose overthrow in 2015 led to the bloody conflict in Ukraine and and a new cold war between Russia and the West.
What's been overlooked is how there are some familiar some of these faces are in the Republican campaigns of 2004,2008 and 2016.
Helping Yanukovych's Presidential campaign where some major GOP linked groups, these included:
3eDC: a lobbying firm run Paul Manafort and Roger Stone. The pair have engaged in number of shady ventures over the years involving lobbying and political consulting. Stone was a key figure in the Watergate scandal.
New Media Communications:: run by CEO Mike Connell, who was accused of rigging GOP elections
Integrated Web Strategy:: another Connell affiliated company that works with Chamber of Commerce Institute of Legal Reform, which has been found by courts to have engaged in illegal election manipulations
Campaign Solutions:: run by Mike Connell's wife, Becki Donatelli
Airnet Group:, parent company of Smartech Corporation, owned by Jeff Averbeck, which was employed by Mike Connell in the controversial diversion of the state of Ohio's official vote prior to certification of a contested majority favoring George Bush over Democratic opponent John Kerry.
Dynology Corp:, which has a heavily military client list: "a majority of our staff hold security clearances that allow access to Secret and Top Secret classified government information."
U.S 2004 Presidential election In December 2008 IT expert Mike Connell was killed in a plane Crash in Akron Ohio days before he was due to testify in lawsuit into vote rigging.
His notes,phone and laptop have never been recovered.
The nature of the assistance given to GOP's operative during the time is also suspicious the Bush white house used a private email server (sound familiar?) and private email addresses for the president and other senior Republicans millions of these emails where lost before
More recently allegations have surfaced about the way the voting machines Ohio where set up and their apparently lax security which could have led to vote counts being altered.
New Media communications also IT support for the Bush and McCain campaigns.
Connell's wife owns Donatelli group which also was also linked to voting controversies in Florida 2004 election to do with election machine software effecting the vote counts. Florida was/is a key swing state, which Bush won by a very small margin that year despite exit polls showing wins for Kerry.
Roger Stone helped spread a false rumour that elections officials in Florida where interfering with the vote recountprompting protesters to storm the offices where the recount was taking place. Stone had been sent to Florida on the express orders of senior Republicans.
CBS (2008): Beginning as a political campaign worker and congressional staffer, Connell became a key Republican media consultant who developed Internet strategies for the 2000 and 2004 Bush-Cheney campaigns. He was founder and CEO of Cleveland-based New Media Communications, which built Web sites for President Bush and former presidential nominee John McCain, according to the company's Web site. He was also chief IT consultant for Karl Rove.
Connell's ties to the Bush family extend back to working on campaigns for George H.W. Bush and former Fla. Governor Jeb Bush, for whom he built the campaign site jeb.org. In 1999 he told the Cleveland magazine Inside Business, "I'm loyal to my network, I'm loyal to my friends, and I'm loyal to the Bush family."
He was also quoted as saying, when asked to predict the Internet's role in the upcoming presidential race, "There are things we will be doing on Election Day that haven't even been dreamt of yet."
The rise of the Republican Party in Washington in the '90s, and especially after the 2000 election, meant that Connell's network of connections was expanding as well. Having worked with Ohio Congressman Bob Ney and Governor Bob Taft, Connell's IT skills were sought after for the campaigns and Congressional sites for dozens of GOP candidates and officeholders. The New Media Communications Web site (now turned off, with a memorial to Connell in its place) boasted, "New Media's client list reads like a 'Who's Who' of Republican politics."
In 2000, Connell co-founded with his wife Heather GovTech Solutions to pursue government contracts.
GovTech's clients for databases, content management systems and other services included the White House, the Energy Department, several Republican-led Congressional committees and a few dozen congressional members' Web sites.
The Center for Public Integrity reported that in 2002 and 2004, the General Services Administration allowed federal agencies to purchase services directly from GovTech without a full bidding process. In 2004 Connell helped form an online advertising firm called Connell Donatelli, which administered the Web site for Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, a 527 developed to attack Democratic presidential nominee John Kerry. Connell's central role in building the IT infrastructure of the White House and his association with Karl Rove has brought him into the controversy surrounding missing White House e-mails relating to the firing of U.S. Attorneys and other topics, and the fate of e-mail communications sent by Rove and other administration staffers which were sent via a Republican Party Web site, gwb43.com, rather than through a whitehouse.gov address.
Connell built the gwb43.com site, which shares mail servers with GovTech.
Connell's Internet expertise also led him to be subpoenaed earlier this year to testify in an Ohio federal court regarding alleged voter fraud in the 2004 election. Despite exit polls showing a lead by Democratic nominee John Kerry of more than 4 percent, Mr. Bush won the state's vote by 2.5 percent, along with its crucial electoral votes.
Much has been written about problems at the polls in Ohio that year, where voters in many (predominantly Democratic) precincts were forced to wait hours because of a shortage of working voting machines. A lawsuit being pursued by attorney Clifford Arneback seeks to answer questions about this and other ballot problems. [For example, in Franklin County Mr. Bush received 4,258 votes in a precinct where only 638 voters cast ballots.]
Questions have also been raised about how votes from Ohio counties were tabulated. Computer expert Stephen Spoonamore, a Republican who works in detecting fraud in network architecture and protecting computer infrastructures, has testified that the
Ohio election returns he saw were indicative of a "KingPin Attack," in which a computer is inserted into the communications flow of an IT system, with the intent to change data as it passes to its destination. It was later learned that Ohio Secretary of State Kenneth Blackwell's office had routed Internet traffic from county election offices through out-of-state servers based at SMARTech in Chattanooga, Tenn. SMARTech hosts dozens of GOP Web domains. Last month, U.S. Judge Soloman Oliver refused Connell's request to quash a subpoena connected to the lawsuit, King Lincoln Bronzeville Neighborhood Association v. Blackwell, and demanded his testimony relating to his IT work.
In [a previous] his deposition given in November, Connell denied any knowledge of vote rigging.
The Ukraine connection Sydney Morning Herald (2004): Pens filled with disappearing ink. Hospital patients forced to vote in exchange for treatment. Students instructed to show their ballots to professors.
These are just some of the tricks used to skew Ukraine's disputed presidential election, observers say.
As the Supreme Court grappled for a third day today with the country's spiralling election crisis, legal experts, election monitors, and politicians said it could take weeks to unravel the knot of irregularities.
The Central Election Commission declared Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovich the winner of the November 21 runoff for the presidency with a margin of 3 per cent - or some 880,000 votes - ahead of the top opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko. International observers noted numerous election flaws and described them as blatantly counter to Ukrainian laws and international standards. Those allegations are the basis of the case the opposition has presented to the Supreme Court asking it to name Yushchenko the winner.
The examples filed to the Supreme Court focus on eight eastern and southern regions with more than 15 million votes, almost half of the total cast in the runoff.
Yushchenko's lawyers and observers pointed to turnout figures that exceeded 127 per cent in some precincts. Observers mainly attributed this to pro-Yanukovich activists who travelled across the country and voted many times as absentees.
"You can achieve 127 per cent ... if you have several well-organised groups to travel around," said Peter Novotny, the head of the 1,000-strong observer mission of the European Network of Election Monitors, who described the vote as "an outright fraud."
Prison officials were reported to have forced inmates to vote for the government candidate. One Western observer who spoke on condition of anonymity said some hospital patients were told to vote for a specific candidate if they wanted treatment.
Students said they were stripped of their right to a secret ballot, or face the loss of privileges.
"We had to, or we could have lost our rooms on campus" said Serhiy, a student from Yanukovich's eastern stronghold of Donetsk, who only gave his first name for fear of reprisals.
Ukraine's opposition has produced transcripts of telephone conversations between pro-Yanukovich officials, allegedly taped by Ukraine's Security Service, that purportedly document vote-rigging. One exchange, published on the Ukrayinska Pravda Web site, went like this:
Official 1: "Why is the voting rate in the Donetsk and Dnepropetrovsk regions so low?"
Official 2: "We're increasing it now."
Official 1: "Don't drag things out."
In the Ukrainian election similar allegations where made with regards to vote rigging where made when tapes where released of Yanjkoich discussing tampering with ballots
The opposition leader at the time called the election 'rigged'.
Suspicions where aroused when exit polls and final vote tallies turned widely different the same issue that alarmed voters in the U.S the same year.
Bloomberg (2017): Jim Slattery arrived at the Stalin-era presidential headquarters in Kiev, Ukraine, with an unusual gift for the nation’s strongman leader: a bust of Abraham Lincoln.
What Slattery didn’t know was that another American operative was helping the president defend the imprisonment of Yulia Tymoshenko, an act widely condemned in the Western world.
His name: Paul Manafort, future presidential campaign manager for Donald Trump. Today, Manafort sits at the center of the concentric circles of worry and suspicion over what President Trump has called “this Russia thing.” What began with questions about Moscow’s meddling in the 2016 U.S. election has Democrats, and even some Republicans, now warning of Trump’s Watergate.
Until recently, Manafort had receded into the background as the uproar over Trump’s firing of his national security adviser, Michael Flynn, and then the FBI director, James Comey, began to shake the White House.
But the Manafort story—a tale of pro-Russia players, political tradecraft and cunning financial maneuvers—has never gone away. The reason, in a word, is money. Manafort, who less than a year ago was playing a central role in the Trump campaign, made millions of dollars over a decade promoting Kremlin-friendly interests in Ukraine and beyond. No other Trump associate has profited as handsomely from ties to Russia-linked businessmen and politicians.
In the decade before he worked for Trump, Manafort’s efforts did for Moscow what its finest political minds had failed to do: help get a pro-Russian candidate installed in Kiev. It culminated in Russia’s annexation of Crimea, the revival of Cold War tensions, Western sanctions on Russia’s energy and banking sectors and Russia’s campaign to get those sanctions removed. Manafort, 68, had claimed Yanukovych was the one Ukrainian who could lead his country closer to the West at a pace Putin could stand, according to Dan Fried, a former U.S. assistant secretary of state for the region which includes Ukraine. But that proved false.
Manafort, who denies any contact with Russian government officials, never registered as a lobbyist for a foreign government for his Ukrainian work. His spokesman said Manafort had “received formal guidance recently from the authorities” on registering under the Foreign Agents Registration Act for some of his work, none of which, he contended, was for the Russian government.
Ukrainian prosecutors are investigating what they call a “criminal organization” set up by Yanukovych via bribes and theft of state assets before he fled to Moscow after the killing of more than 100 protesters in 2014, and they are looking at what role Manafort may have played in the suspected scheme. They’ve repeatedly asked the FBI for help to question Manafort as part of their inquiry into a New York law firm in connection to a report that largely defended the Tymoshenko prosecution.
“We’re waiting for a response,” says Serhiy Gorbatyuk, Ukraine’s head of special prosecutions, his desk piled high with papers.
For Manafort—who resigned from the Trump campaign after six months amid reports of his work in Ukraine—ties to pro-Russian politicians go back to 2005. He played a key role in transforming Yanukovych, who was convicted in his youth of robbery and assault, into a popular candidate who clinched the presidency in 2010.
“Manafort raised very sensitive issues to spin Yanukovych more effectively,” says Serhiy Leshchenko, a member of the Ukrainian parliament. “He used damaging techniques to divide Ukrainian society and help Putin to achieve a simple goal.” Manafort, who speaks neither Russian nor Ukrainian, developed a close working relationship with Yanukovych, discussing—through an interpreter—politics and strategy during sauna sessions and tennis matches at the opulent Mezhyhirya palace, according to a person who worked on Yanukovych’s election campaigns.
In the five-year period from 2007 to 2012, Manafort was paid at least $12.7 million, according to a handwritten Party of Regions ledger found later in its head office. Ukraine’s anti-corruption bureau and the FBI are investigating whether the ledger reflected any illegal payments to Manafort and to others. Manafort’s spokesman says that after being paid he had many expenses and so the payment figure does not represent profit. One payment to Manafort on the ledger matches an invoice he signed in 2009 to sell $750,000 of computers to a Belize-registered company called Neocom Systems Ltd., according to documents obtained by Leshchenko from Manafort’s Kiev office.
Belize is investigating. Doug Singh, who runs International Corporate Services (ICS), which registered Neocom in 2007, says he’s received multiple requests for records from Belize’s Financial Intelligence Unit, which investigates money laundering. Belize authorities declined further comment. Evgeniy Kaseev, listed as a director of Neocom, couldn’t be reached for comment. Manafort’s spokesman disputed the authenticity of the invoice and said Manafort is unfamiliar with it.
Manafort’s contacts with pro-Russian politicians go beyond Yanukovych and the Party of Regions. Viktor Medvedchuk said he met Manafort in 2014. Medvedchuk is so close to the Kremlin that Putin is godfather to his daughter and he is under U.S. sanctions because of his role in the conflict in eastern Ukraine. In a written response to questions, he said of Manafort that he was “the best, both among foreign and domestic political consultants. The events of the past year in the United States have only strengthened my opinion.” He said he had not had contact with Manafort since then. Manafort’s spokesman confirmed the 2014 meeting but said he didn’t recall interacting with Medvedchuk directly.
Even after Russia annexed Crimea in 2014 and Yanukovych fled to Russia, Manafort returned to Ukraine 17 times, earning at least $1 million to help reelect pro-Russia politicians, according to a party official who worked with him. Manafort’s spokesman declined to comment on that payment.
The idea of working in Ukraine first came to Manafort in 2004 from Oleg Deripaska, a Russian billionaire who controls aluminum producer Rusal, according to a person familiar with the situation. Ukraine was in the throes of the Orange Revolution—protests over allegations of electoral fraud in Yanukovych’s November 2004 victory. The Supreme Court ordered a new election. Manafort’s then-partner, Rick Davis, went to Kiev and concluded it was too late to help. Yanukovych’s pro-Western rival Viktor Yushchenko won. Manafort Timeline: March 2006 - Helps Party of Regions win parliamentary elections, paving the way for Viktor Yanukovych to become prime minister.
January 2010 - Helps Yanukovych win the presidency.
October 2011 - Former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko is jailed.
November 2013 - Yanukovych terminates negotiations with the EU over Ukraine’s association agreement, sparking widespread protests.
February 2014 - More than 100 protesters are shot in Kiev’s Independence Square. Soon after, Yanukovych flees to Moscow.
March 2014 - Putin annexes Crimea. The EU and U.S. impose travel bans and asset freezes on Russian and Ukrainian officials.
October 2014 - Advises the Opposition Bloc in snap parliamentary elections, and it wins 10 percent of the vote.
April 2016 - Joins Trump’s presidential campaign. Resigns six months later.
April/May 2017 - U.S. investigators demand Manafort’s bank records. The Senate requests details of his contact with Russian officials. Manhattan prosecutors probe his real estate transactions.
Manafort arrived in 2005 to advise Ukraine’s richest man, billionaire Rinat Akhmetov, who was worried his business interests might be seized by President Yushchenko. That same year, Davis Manafort Partners Inc. registered a company in Moscow at an address used by more than 80 other firms. It’s unclear whether the company actually functioned, and Manafort’s spokesman said no such office was opened. While working in Ukraine, Manafort earned millions from a side private equity fund with Deripaska, according to a lawsuit by Deripaska, who is suing Manafort in the Cayman Islands over the soured business partnership. Deripaska declined to comment.
Akhmetov, then a major financial backer of the Party of Regions, asked Manafort to help Yanukovych’s 2006 parliamentary election campaign. Manafort hired as many as 40 top-flight U.S. campaign workers, some of whom later worked on the Trump campaign, including Tim Unes, who organized Trump’s rallies, and Rick Gates. Crucial to the strategy—and new to Ukraine—was research from focus groups and better polling to drive messaging. Among the issues: the rights of Russian-speakers and opposition to Ukraine’s joining NATO.
“He was going for visceral issues and an emotional reaction,” says Kateryna Yushchenko, the American-born wife of former President Viktor Yushchenko and a onetime State Department and White House official. “When I confronted his people about it, they said, ‘That’s politics.’ I said this isn’t like gun rights or abortion. Here it could lead to war.”
Even though he hired Manafort, Yanukovych retained Russian advisers from Moscow, including Vyacheslav Nikonov, a member of Putin’s United Russia faction, and Sergei Glazyev, Putin’s current adviser on Ukraine, according to Taras Chornovil, a top Party of Regions official until 2008. A spokesman for Glazyev confirmed he advised Yanukovych from 2004 to 2009 but didn’t consult with Manafort.
The Party of Regions emerged from the 2006 election with the largest number of seats in parliament; Yanukovych became prime minister. His victory was short-lived, however. His political struggle with President Yushchenko resulted in elections a year later. This time Manafort ran a cookie-cutter campaign. In one ad, a Party of Regions poster showed what was purportedly a smiling blonde Ukrainian girl holding a bright yellow umbrella under the slogan “Stability and Prosperity.” In reality, Manafort’s advisers had plucked a stock photograph of an American girl.
His party did well but Yanukovych was pushed into opposition after Tymoshenko cobbled together a ruling coalition. In 2008, then-President Yushchenko announced a campaign for eventual Ukrainian membership in NATO. To exploit widespread opposition to NATO, Manafort’s team brought a truck to the parliament filled with anti-NATO balloons and instructed parliamentarians to each take one into the chamber.
Ukraine’s hope of joining NATO ended with its 2010 presidential election. With Manafort guiding him, Yanukovych won narrowly. Manafort prepared Yanukovych’s first visit as head of state to Washington that April. He advised Yanukovych to give up Ukraine’s remaining stock of highly enriched uranium, according to a person close to the situation. Ukraine had given up its nuclear weapons in 1994 and there was little sacrifice involved in yielding the uranium. But it helped Yanukovych clinch a major prize: a photo of him beaming alongside President Barack Obama.
Manafort was closely involved in recruiting the firm of Skadden Arps Slate Meagher & Flom LLC on behalf of the Ukrainian Justice Ministry to write a lengthy report on Tymoshenko’s prosecution. He met with Justice Minister Oleksandr Lavrynovych to go over the contract with Skadden and emailed with Skadden partner Greg Craig, according to documents uncovered by Ukrainian prosecutors. The ministry agreed to pay Skadden a mere $12,000, just below the threshold requiring it to go to a public tender. But much more money was to come to Skadden.
Manafort was prepping the Party of Regions for another parliamentary election in October 2012, bringing in Tony Fabrizio, who would later become the Trump campaign’s chief pollster. International monitors said the elections were marked by the abuse of state resources and lack of transparency in party financing.
Manafort advised Yanukovych to push ahead with an association agreement with the EU. But the EU insisted he release Tymoshenko, while Putin pressured him to abandon the deal. In November 2013, Yanukovych terminated negotiations with the EU. The move triggered widespread protests.
Months after Russia annexed Crimea, Manafort returned to Ukraine to advise the pro-Russian anti-NATO party, now known as the Opposition Bloc, for the 2014 parliamentary elections, again bringing Fabrizio on board. Nestor Shufrych, one of the party leaders, says Manafort pushed for them to be the voice of Russians in the east. Shufrych thought they had no chance but they got nearly 10 percent, with 29 seats. Manafort personally approved the list of candidates, according to another party official. Shufrych says the party paid Manafort roughly $1 million. The two celebrated over a bottle of cognac at Manafort’s Kiev office.
The new disclosures are required under a law that was passed to combat Nazi propaganda during World War II, known as the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA). The disclosure requirements are more stringent than domestic lobbying forms and include more information, including details like itemized meetings and phone calls.
Also in the filing is a flyer that the firm distributed, touting reforms to the voting process in Ukraine to make it more "free, fair and transparent." For example, one new rule increased the vote threshold a party is required to have before they could be admitted to parliament from 3 percent to 5 percent. Another nixed the option to "vote against all" on the ballot. During the contract with Mercury, Manafort also attended meetings with Paula Dobriansky, a former State Department official during the Bush administration, a senior fellow at Harvard’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, and Nadia Diuk, a vice president at the National Endowment for Democracy.
The disclosures also detail all the other contacts Mercury made on behalf of the Centre, including reaching out to dozens of news outlets and meeting with government officials, staffers and lawmakers on Capitol Hill, think tanks and nonprofit organizations.
The documents also bring to light details first uncovered by The Associated Press last August about what Manafort did to influence U.S. policy toward Ukraine and Russia.
His relationships with pro-Russia figures and work in the Trump campaign have been central to the controversy swirling around accusations that Russia meddled in the U.S. presidential election in Trump’s favor. Similar filings by Manafort could be forthcoming, his spokesman told The Hill earlier this month.
Even before the 2016 elections, Manafort “has been in discussions with federal authorities about the advisability of registering under FARA for some of his past political work,” said spokesman Jason Maloni.
“Mr. Manafort received formal guidance recently from the authorities and he is taking appropriate steps in response to the guidance.”
Violating FARA is considered a felony, though only a handful of prosecutions have been pursued since the law's formation. It is considered a compliance-based statute, so even filling out registration paperwork late can get firms and individuals out of trouble with the Justice Department. FARA is more broad than the LDA, and covers consulting and public relations efforts, in addition to traditional lobbying.
Mercury and the Podesta Group had been registered for the Centre under the Lobbying Disclosure Act, which dictates domestic lobbying disclosure. The two firms made a total of $2.2 million during the two years of work.
Both firms had signed statements from the Centre, saying that it received no funds or support from a foreign government or party — something lawyers advised the firms would preclude them from registering under FARA.
However, following a series of AP reports that included details about how Manafort and his associate Rick Gates directed strategy while operating as advisers for the Party of Regions, the firms have decided to register with the Justice Department retroactively.
U.S 2016 Presidential election Trumps Key campaign staff Cater Page ,Paul Manafort and Roger Stone had an huge impact on Trump's political campaign in both it's message,strategy and day to day operating it's very likely these three had a key impact in shifting the GOP's position on Russian sanctions and the Ukraine crisis.
The Washington Post (2017): A 2004 article at Slate details the allegations against Yanukovych, including stuffing ballot boxes and use of police to intimidate Yushchenko supporters. The rampant fraud led to a series of protests dubbed the Orange Revolution -- and a second ballot, which Yushchenko won.
At some point over the next two years, Yanukovych hired an American consultant to help the Party of Regions in the parliamentary elections. A cable released by
Wikileaks noted the addition to Yanukovych's team.
Enjoying a lead in the polls since the fall 2005 Orange team split, ex-PM Yanukovych's Party of Regions is working to change its image from that of a haven for mobsters into that of a legitimate political party. Tapping the deep pockets of Donetsk clan godfather Rinat Akhmetov, Regions has hired veteran K street political help for its "extreme makeover" effort. According to the Internet news site Glavred.info, Davis, Manafort & Freedman is among the political consultants that have been hired to do the nipping and tucking.
Davis, Manafort & Freedman was, as you'd expect, Paul Manafort's firm.
Business Insider (2017): Before the GOP's national security committee meeting last July, Trump had said multiple times that he thought the West should respond more forcefully to Russian aggression.
He gave a speech in Ukraine in September 2015, at the Yalta European Strategy Annual Meeting, where he said "our president is not strong and he is not doing what he should be doing for the Ukraine." He mentioned that he thought Europe should be "leading some of the charge" against Russia's aggression, too.
But his tone on Ukraine and Crimea appeared to shift after he hired Manafort to manage his campaign in April 2016, as Politico's Michael Crowley has reported.
At the end of July, for instance, Trump told ABC that "the people of Crimea, from what I've heard, would rather be with Russia than where they were. And you have to look at that, also." Days earlier, he had told reporters that he "would be looking at" the possibility of lifting sanctions against Russia for its annexation of Crimea.
Manafort served as a top adviser to a pro-Russian political party in Ukraine from 2004 to 2012, and he helped the Russia-friendly strongman Viktor Yanukovych win the Ukrainian presidency in 2010. Yanukovych was ousted on corruption charges in 2014 and fled to Russia under the protection of the Kremlin.
Secret ledgers uncovered by an anti-corruption centre in Kiev and obtained by The New York Times revealed that Yanukovych's political party, the pro-Russia Party of Regions, earmarked $12.7 million in undisclosed cash payments to Manafort for his work from 2007 to 2012.
Manafort has denied ever having collected the earmarked payments. But the unverified dossier on which top US leaders have been briefed alleges that Yanukovych "confided directly to Putin that he authorized kickback payments to Manafort," who "had been commercially active in Ukraine right up to the time (in March 2016) when he joined campaign team."
Quartz (2016): In early May 2016, the Missouri state legislature submitted a bill to the governor requiring that citizens must show photo ID in order to vote. Democrats staged an all-night filibuster opposing the measure, noting that it could potentially disenfranchise over 220,000 voters who who lack proper ID. Missouri attorney Steve Harman noted the bill would most likely affect black Missourians—11% of the population—and that it echoed the political aims of Jim Crow. As is true in most states, there has never been a case of voter fraud in Missouri history, leading many legislators to question the true intent of the law.
Missouri is known as “the bellwether state,” having voted for the winning candidate in all but one presidential election between 1904 and 2008. Obama lost the state in both elections, but in 2008, he lost by a mere 3903 votes. Imagine what that result would have looked like had 220,000 voters—among them his black Democratic base—been unable to cast their ballots.
In swing states like Missouri, voter ID laws that disenfranchise non-white voters could potentially influence the outcome of national elections. In this case, purple states like Missouri may in the future turn blazing red.
Missouri’s law will not be passed in time to impact the 2016 race.
But it is part of a growing trend of states that have passed or moved toward restrictive voter ID laws as America’s population grows increasingly diverse. In 2016, 17 states will have new voting restrictions in place for the first time in a presidential election: Alabama, Arizona, Georgia, Indiana, Kansas, Mississippi, Nebraska, New Hampshire, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and Wisconsin. Of these states, Arizona, Georgia, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Ohio, Virginia, and Wisconsin have been identified as swing states. Others are newly ambiguous: Texas, a state that has voted Republican since 1980, is now less of a sure bet. After GOP frontrunner Donald Trump proclaimed Mexicans “rapists” in the summer of 2015, applications for citizenship and voter registration among Texan Latino immigrants soared, and polls have shown a tight race. But will the new voters be able to cast their ballots? Under current regulations, an estimated 771,300 Texan Latinos, many of them recent immigrants, lack the required ID.
Buzzfeed (2017): The dead man was Scot Young. The one-time multimillionaire and fixer to the world’s super-rich had been telling friends, family, and the police for years that he was being targeted by a team of Russian hitmen – ever since his fortune vanished overnight in a mysterious Moscow property deal. He was the ninth in a circle of friends and business associates to die in suspicious circumstances. But when the police entered his penthouse that night, they didn’t even dust for fingerprints. They declared his death a suicide on the spot and closed the case.
A two-year investigation by BuzzFeed News has now uncovered explosive evidence pointing to Russia that the police overlooked. A massive trove of documents, phone records, and secret recordings shows Young was part of a circle of nine men, including the exiled oligarch Boris Berezovsky, who all died suspiciously on British soil after making powerful enemies in Russia. The files reveal that Young lived in the shadow of the Russian security services and mafia groups after fronting for Berezovsky.
Scott Young is one of 14 people suspected of being assassinated on the orders of the Russian state on U.K soil. CNN (2017): The brazen daytime slaying of a Russian politician outside a Ukrainian hotel this week brings to eight the number of high-profile Russians who have died over the past five months since the US presidential election on November 8.
Steele dossier allegations: The Steel dossier shed new light on the Trump-Russia controversy much of this
has been corroborated. Page 4:
Dossier claims Paul Manafort & Carter Page were colluding w/Russians.
Dossier claims Wikileaks is a front for the Kremlin.
Dossier claims Russia had moles within the Dem Party.
Page 9:
Dossier claims that Russia has krompat on Trump in addition to material on Clinton.
Dossier claims Cater Page held secret meetings on sanctions.
independent.ie (2017): An ex-KGB chief suspected of helping the former MI6 spy Christopher Steele to compile his dossier on Donald Trump may have been murdered by the Kremlin and his death covered up, it's been claimed. Oleg Erovinkin, a former general in the KGB and its successor the FSB, was found dead in the back of his car in Moscow on December 26 in mysterious circumstances. Mr Erovinkin was a key aide to Igor Sechin, a former deputy prime minister and now head of Rosneft, the state-owned oil company, who is repeatedly named in the dossier.
He has been described as a key liaison between Mr Sechin and Russian President Vladimir Putin. Mr Steele wrote in an intelligence report dated July 19, 2016, he had a source close to Mr Sechin, who had disclosed alleged links between Mr Trump's supporters and Moscow. The death of Mr Erovinkin has prompted speculation it is linked to Mr Steele's explosive dossier, which was made public earlier this month.
Talking Points Memo (2017) Congress is investigating whether any private voter information allegedly stolen by Russian hackers was passed to or used by the Trump campaign, Time reported Thursday. Ken Menzel, general counsel of the Illinois State Board of Elections, told Time that 90,000 state voter records were obtained through cyberattacks on their system, 90 percent of which contained drivers license numbers and a quarter of which contained the last four digits of voters’ Social Security numbers. Two anonymous sources close to congressional investigations into Russia’s election interference say lawmakers want to know if any of this stolen data eventually ended up in the hands of Trump’s team.
Time did not specify which of the five congressional committees looking into Russian interference in the election is investigating this specific thread.
This report is the latest indication that Russia’s cyberattacks on the United States’ electoral infrastructure, which include efforts to delete or alter voter data in Illinois and targeted attacks on election systems in 21 states, are becoming a focus of congressional and federal probes into possible collusion between the Trump campaign and Russia.
http://talkingpointsmemo.com/livewire/congress-investigating-trump-team-used-voter-information-stolen-russians Conclusions:
The issues that come up again and again are:
- Suspicious campaign financing (dark money, shell companies, bribes)
- Vote hacking/fraud (leaked NSA report, voter disenfranchisement, obstructing democratic processes)
- Fake news (Swift Boat Veterans For Truth, Twitter bots, Alt Right sites)
- Suspicious deaths (Connell, Scott Young,Russian officials)
The real question is how far does the Russia-Trump web spread? And has this plan been a long time in the making?
submitted by Back in 1999, I was living in San Francisco. I was 22 years old and one of the first ten employees of a startup doing some sort of truly dumb shit. I wasn't even that technically skilled, just had the fortune to be friends with the right guy in college who took me on to lead a sales team. The details of our garbage company are not even worth relating.
I do remember when the paper value of my part of the company hit a million dollars. Interpersonally, things had gone south with my founder friend, and it seemed like I could walk out the door and do whatever I wanted. I ended up quitting and just spending a few months surfing and flying around the country visiting friends and spending a bunch of money that I ended up not having after the crash. I thought about cashing out, but given that I'd gone from $100,000 to a $1,000,000 in no time, it seemed like I should probably wait until I'd be set for life.
I remember right around when I was planning my first international trip with my girlfriend at the time. Around that time, my holdings had hit 1.2 million dollars. Though growth had clearly slowed, and I got a little nervous, I knew so many people who had gotten stupidly rich and figured that it woudn't hurt to wait a little longer.
It wasn't too much after that that we ended up on Fucked Company and everything disappeared like piss into the ocean. I moved from San Francisco back to North Carolina, where I was from. I did a stint as a substitute teacher for a while, worked some depressing sales jobs, and even dabbled in programming but never quite found the knack for it.
Flash forward to early 2012. I'd heard through a friend who played EVE Online about bitcoin mining. It seemed sort of ridiculous, to be honest, but the price had just surged to something like $10 per bitcoin. I ended up sinking a thousand bucks into it October 2012. I watched as the price went up to over $200, and then Mt. Gox shit the bed like 6 months later. The price plummeted and I ended up selling at $110 for a cool $9166.
I did keep an eye on bitcoin after that and I think it hit over $1,000 right around New Years, if I remember correctly. Damn I was pissed, but it all seemed too crazy.
Then January 6th, 2015, my dad died. We knew it was coming... but it still hit me hard. I won't go into that, but he left me almost $60,000 which I was surprised he even had. I ended up paying off my car and then because I'd never been too good at investing, decided what the hell let's just buy some bitcoins. I bought 70 BTC at $270. It took a long time to double or do anything. I read this subreddit religiously. I thought the idea of HODLing was hilarious and decided to stick to my credo no matter what. I came within minutes of selling when it hit $1,000, but I decided to hodl steady.
But this is too much. I haven't been able to sleep well for the last few months, or barely at all a few weeks ago. When I realized we had nearly hit my paper worth from 18 years ago, I couldn't hold any longer. I hired someone to help me figure out the taxes and legal shit, started selling, over a few transactions, and have now cashed out a little under 1.1 million dollars. As of today, I now hold zero bitcoins. Nobody I know has any idea that I have this money, and I actually made an alt to post this because I don't want any chance of anyone knowing.
I didn't quite make back what I had in the 90s, but this is good enough for me. I'm now old enough that a million bucks [well minus taxes] is enough for me to work a lot less without having to worry about my future too much. It's not enough to retire. And maybe I could have waited another month or year and never had to work again, but I already made that bet once before.
Best of luck to you all.
submitted by North Carolina Online Casino Gambling. Section 14-292 of state law prevents anyone from operating a casino or place for gambling within North Carolina state territory. The only exceptions to the rule are the Indian casinos found on sovereign land within NC. Online casinos fall under the umbrella of illegal gambling activity in the state. There are currently no legal methods for online casino North Carolina Online Lottery. North Carolina sold its first lottery ticket in 2006 and now operates a standard range of major draw games such as Powerball and Mega Millions, instant win scratch cards and keno. The NC Online Lottery sells tickets to multistate and local drawings but does not offer instant win games at this time. North Carolina Sports Betting And Gambling Laws. North Carolina, like most other US states, had several laws working against it when it came to the expansion of legal sports betting.North Carolina General Statutes Subchapter XI, Article 37 § 14-292 details the state’s penalties against unauthorized gambling, which in most cases amounts to a Class 2 misdemeanor. Legal North Carolina Super Bowl betting at BetOnline is straightforward and simple, and their mobile site makes it easy to bet even when you’re out and about. If you sign up for BetOnline before the big game, you’ll get a host of bonuses to choose from, including a 50% Welcome Bonus, a 100% Bitcoin Bonus, and a 25% Lifetime Bonus Guarantee for each new deposit. Most sports bettors will not change their existing habits to bet legally. They will not drive any distance, let alone 200-plus miles, to bet. Still, we're waiting for more information to judge NC in full. Therefore, a lack of online sports betting means North Carolina gets an F for its overall experience. In North Carolina, there are strict laws which have banned all forms of land-based gambling. Unfortunately, this does include horse racing betting. This doesn’t mean you can’t bet on the horses, though. North Caroline horse racing betting can still legally be done at an online racebook. There are no state or federal laws which prevent NC Once online sports betting (eventually, hopefully) becomes legalized in North Carolina, residents will be able to bet on sports of all kinds from North America and around the world. In North Carolina, there are a number of professional and college teams that will draw most of the attention of local sports bettors. However, there is no online wagering; you must visit one of two locations of Harrah’s to bet on sports within the North Carolina borders. Legislative History and Revenue in North Carolina Gambling laws in North Carolina actually go all the way back to the 1700s when all forms of gambling were eventually outlawed after legislative bills prior to 1791 limited wagering in the state. For now, online betting sites still remain the best legal option to bet on sports in North Carolina. North Carolina Sports Betting & Gambling Laws . If you take a look at the gambling laws in the state, you will not see anything related to the Internet. Sure, betting is mentioned, but only through certain commercial gambling businesses. Nothing written in the state's code has made it a crime North Carolina residents can legally use our recommended online sportsbooks to bet on NFL games, NCAA basketball, College Football, and nearly any other American professional sports, as well as sports taking place around the globe, including those located in NC.
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